A leader who knew when to quit
From the outset, Nelson Mandela made clear that he would serve only one term as president.
The following is excerpted from the book The Leadership We Need: Lessons for Today from Nelson Mandela by Andrew Russell, published by Blue Ear Books.
“We believe,” he told the British Houses of Parliament in 1996, “ that our charge is to fulfil the wishes of all humanity, including our own people, to ensure that the enormous and sustained universal effort which translated itself into the defeat of the system of apartheid achieves its related purpose of transforming South Africa into a democratic, non-racial, non-sexist, peaceful and prosperous country.”
The need to ensure that South Africa’s first-ever free and fair elections were successful, peaceful, and perceived as legitimate was the most critical challenge to Nelson Mandela as a national leader. In Dare Not Linger, the memoir of Mandela’s presidential years completed after his death by the acclaimed South African writer Mandla Langa, Mandela observed:
South Africans queued in their millions to cast their first democratic vote, the foundations had been laid during preceding months. That mem- orable day fittingly capped the positive spirit of hope and expectation that reigned predominant in spite of the tears and trepidation.
The smooth and orderly manner in which the elections occurred, and the violence-free transformation that followed, completely shattered the depressing predictions of the prophets of doom, who included some of the well-known and respected political analysts. They had predicted that the history of South Africa, especially during the four decades of the apartheid regime, clearly showed that the white minority was determined to cling to power for centuries to come. A wide variety of commentators underestimated our determination and capacity successfully to persuade opinion makers on both sides of the colour line to realise that this country is their beloved fatherland, with primary responsibility to turn April 1994 into a memorable landmark in our turbulent history.
Reviewing the books Winnie & Nelson by Jonny Steinberg and The Plot to Save South Africa by Justice Malala in the Guardian in 2023, Richard Stengel reflected that many young black South Africans today consider Mandela to be
a timid, grey-haired sellout who spent more time trying to placate white people than lift up Black people. They identify more with Winnie, Steinberg says, with her anger, her bitterness, her unrepentance. History is a pendulum, reputations swing back and forth. But at the moment we are living in a time when millions of people have come to identify grievance and vengeance with leadership, instead of reasonableness and com- promise. That’s a dangerous world, and not the one Nelson Mandela tried to create.
Some people do believe that Mandela opted for political power at the expense of economic freedom for his people. Did he manage to balance the demands of his people for the abolishment of apartheid with their desire for economic freedom? Did he do enough during his presidency to address their demands for economic emancipation, or was he too obsessed with achieving a peaceful, negotiated political settlement? Was it not his responsibility not only to defeat apartheid and usher in a new democratic dispensation, but also to focus on securing economic freedom for all South Africans?
From the outset, Mandela made clear that he would serve only one term as president. He appointed two deputy presidents, F.W. de Klerk and Thabo Mbeki, to allow himself to focus on matters of international importance while attempting to re-establish the country on the global stage.The Government of National Unity (GNU) Mandela announced on 11 May 1994 included cabinet members from the National Party and the Inkatha Freedom Party as well as the ANC, as Clause 88 of the Interim Constitution required that all parties winning more than twenty seats in the National Assembly be represented. The GNU’s aims centred on correcting social and economic injustices but also, and primarily, on creating a final constitution.
A pivotal moment came on 25 June 1994, when the United Nations General Assembly lifted its suspension of South Africa’s membership, a clear signal that the country was no longer a global pariah. On 14 February 1995, Mandela opened the Constitutional Court, located in a magnificent building on the very site of the former high security prison in central Johannesburg where thousands of political prisoners had been held, including Nelson and Winnie Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi. The precinct is now known as Constitution Hill. Another came on 24 June 1995, the day of the Rugby World Cup final, when he walked onto the Ellis Park turf wearing a Springbok jersey, in a symbolic gesture of goodwill towards the predomi- nantly white crowd. It was the first international sporting event to be held in South Africa since the country was banned from international sport decades earlier. The tournament was a monumental success, not only in demonstrating South Africa’s ability to host such a massive sporting event, but in proving that its doors were once again open to the world.
On 19 July 1995 Mandela signed a bill creating the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, whose main aim was to investigate human rights violations perpe- trated during the apartheid regime. With Desmond Tutu as chairman, the Commission held open hearings beginning on 15 April 1996. Perpetrators of politically motivated atrocities could apply for amnesty, although a major downfall of the Commission was that many senior military and political figures and security force members refused to do so. Whatever its shortcomings and failings, the TRC was highly regarded internationally. It was the first ever commission in the world to hold public hearings in which both perpetrators and victims could be heard. As such, it did lay the foundation for the nation-building that was needed in a country divided along racial lines, as well as reinforcing Mandela’s standing as an international leader of immense repute.
The final Constitution was adopted by the National Assembly on 8 May 1996, after an exhaustive public participation process. Two days later, de Klerk announced the National Party’s withdrawal from the GNU, with effect from 30 June. The party that had long been the bastion of apartheid was also disbanded on that day. Some members attempted a comeback in 1997 with the founding of the New National Party, but over the next two elections its support had diminished to such an extent that it was disbanded on 9 April 2005.
Another defining moment of Mandela’s presidency was when he was invited to address a joint sitting of the Houses of Parliament in London on 11 July 1996. He became only the third foreign leader in history to deliver a speech in Westminster Hall, following French presidents Albert Lebrun in 1939 and Charles de Gaulle in 1960. In his speech, Mandela said:
We know that the freedom we enjoy is a richly textured gift handcrafted by ordinary folk who would not allow their own dignity as human beings to be insulted. In the acceptance of that gift is contained an undertaking by our people that we shall never, never again allow our country to play host to racism. Nor shall our voices be stilled if we see that another elsewhere in the world is victim to racial tyranny.
But, above all else, we believe that our charge is to fulfil the wishes of all humanity, including our own people, to ensure that the enormous and sustained universal effort which translated itself into the defeat of the system of apartheid achieves its related purpose of transforming South Africa into a democratic, non-racial, non-sexist, peaceful and prosperous country.
